How are spatial scales such as local, urban, or global produced in the performances and discourses of network hospitality. Each member has an online profile with details about their biographical information age, gender, hometown and educationphotographs of themselves and personal information about their past travel experience, interests and philosophy on life and travel.
Within such discourses, we find stark reminders that hospitality is often intertwined with hostility and always related as much to the conditions of exclusion as the conditions of welcome. The concept of reciprocity in the host-guest relationship has been recognised for centuries, both in the western and oriental cultures.
For one thing, it refracts the generalized anxieties and affects of our time — boredom, passion, stranger danger, kindness. Whereas the free sharing of hospitality in Couchsurfing is premised on creating trust between strangers, in Airbnb the exchange of money, even small amounts, is seen to solidify a sense of accountability between guests and hosts.
The findings from this research suggest that the concepts of hospitality and reciprocity, while universal, have some features unique to Vietnamese culture and Vietnamese couchsurfing community, especially in terms of moral values, and differences from one generation to another when it comes to hosting strangers.
These Web sites facilitate flexible peer—to—peer rather than corporation—to—customer exchanges of the material resources of hospitality food, drink, beds, or rides as well as the sociable resources of hosting and guesting guidance, welcome, or conviviality in a new place.
In both cases, however, the sharing economy leans heavily on a discourse of generosity, but served up with a healthy portion of technological solutions for regulating reciprocity and establishing trust. The way hosts and guests come together in peer—to—peer and online—to—off—line networks, and the way these hospitality encounters between strangers unfold, are mutually embedded in the technological interfaces of online networking.
For example, Judith Adlerin her historical analysis of tramping, describes how trade societies established networks of homes and inns to accommodate traveling craftsmen in the early nineteenth—century England. While my discussion of network hospitality highlights many similar features to the ones Wittel identified, this overview of network hospitality has also offered a unique perspective on emerging practices of peer—to—peer, online—to—off—line, and pop—up encounters among friends and strangers.
Many Couchsurfers saw like—mindedness with others as a basis for trust. If one enjoys having interesting guests in their home, this works out well for both parties.
Furthermore, the social activities arranged through the site are not limited to hosting travellers. These experiences require additional planning and courtesy towards the demands of your host. Taking all of this into account, I argue that what we need now is not just a better understanding of hospitality as sociality, but a better understanding of how hospitality intersects with social networking technologies to enable new configurations and textures of communal life between friends and strangers.
In network sociality, the distinction between private life and work life becomes indiscernible. Tourism, technology, and togetherness in a mobile world.
It is the affective condition of everyday sociality in a mobile and networked society. As trends in network hospitality move from the margins to the mainstream, they pose important questions that merit deeper empirical research on the shape and feel of communal life in a networked world.
This saying might apply, as well, to the critical study of network hospitality.
First, within the network, all members are potentially hosts and potentially guests. It is about the way people use new networking technologies to coordinate their social lives and the way strangers negotiate relations of difference, intimacy, power and control when they meet online and face to face.
CouchSurfing works as a system of reciprocity, in which hospitality as reciprocity 6. well as cultures is exchanged between hosts and surfers. Through hospitality sharing new tourism 7.
Network hospitality in practice lookbeyondthelook.com is an online hospitality exchange network of global travel- lers who offer each other free accommodation in their homes, usually for a few nights at a time.
Couchsurfing and its alternatives are mostly based on a simple concept: each user has a profile, where interests and personal information are listed, people can contact each other asking for a free stay.
Couchsurfing is a website to facilitate hospitality exchange between global travelers and local hosts. As Couchsurfing was initiated, it was just an alternative accommodation for budget travelers.
However, now Couchsurfing has been recognized as a stylish way of travel, which brings new forms of tourist experiences and scenarios. In the light of the transformation of Couchsurfing, this study.
Reputation and Reciprocity on lookbeyondthelook.com Debra Lauterbach, Hung Truong, Tanuj Shah, Lada Adamic International, Global Freeloaders, Hospitality Club, and CouchSurfing.
lookbeyondthelook.com, the community which we study in this paper, is the by far the largest and most popular As for reciprocity, this concept has been studied in many. offer free accommodation, and hosts can also meet people around the world by host- ing them.
CouchSurfing works as a system of reciprocity, in which hospitality as.Reciprocity and free hospitality concept couchsurfing